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Tetra - April 27, 2005 10:42 PM (GMT)
http://www.beliefnet.com/story/133/story_13300_1.html

Why We Need Creeds
An acclaimed scholar explains how the Christian creed developed and how it continues to shape churches.

Interview with Jaroslav Pelikan

World-renowned historian Jaroslav Pelikan has spent decades researching and analyzing Christian confessions of faith. He recently spoke with Beliefnet about Credo, his comprehensive overview of the development of creeds.

Many spiritual seekers are not comfortable with very idea of creeds. Why are creeds important to Christianity--and all religions? Why do we need them?

A faith that is completely personal and subjective has its ups and downs. You can't count on having only ups. Therefore, what's needed is some kind of continuity both within the faith life of an individual from month to month and year to year, and for that individual with the community of believers from previous ages. The fluctuations of personal belief need to be protected from going off the page by some kind of assertion, a shared faith which provides a floor and a ceiling.

Creeds function the way a constitution functions in a political society--as a statement of shared principles and convictions, and a celebration of those convictions. Just as we, in the American political order, cherish and value individual freedom but believe that freedom is protected both from external force and from its own internal threat by a constitution and the bill of rights, so a creed is a way of enshrining faith in such a way that people can go on affirming it.

Your book indicates that Jesus sanctioned the idea of creeds by the emphasis he placed on the Shema. You're saying the Shema is the basis of all Christian creeds?

Sure. The most important Christian creed, the Nicene Creed, begins with the words "I believe in one God," which of course is the statement of the Shema. Jesus quotes the Shema in the gospel of Mark. Mark says many important and exalted things about the person of Jesus, and speaks of him as divine in his words and deeds and person. So how can someone whom the Christian faith affirms to be divine say "Hear O Israel, the Lord our God is one"? How do you reconcile the oneness that he confesses with the more-than-oneness of the divine that he represents? In a simple sense, that's what the creed, and the doctrine of the Trinity confessed in the creed, try to do.

They try to hold those together without weakening either one or pretending to know more about the unknowable than the human mind is capable.

How did the creed as we know it come about?

The creed grew out of a baptismal creed. Baptism was administered by a bishop or priest with the formula "You are baptized in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit." Baptism involved faith and confession--some kind of statement of your faith. A lot of local [statements] developed across the Mediterranean world. What was eventually adopted in 381 at the Council of Constantinople as what we call the Nicene Creed appears to be the adaptation of a creed that was being used for baptism, maybe in the city of Caesarea.

The most important thing that happened after its adoption was the decision to make a recitation--a chanting, singing, or statement--of that creed a part of the liturgy of Holy Communion.

It was an official statement of a council, it became an indispensable part of the daily and Sunday Eucharist, and it was the basis for the instruction of the young and of prospective believers.

The creed, the Ten Commandments, and the Lord's Prayer was the core of the catechism. Every child was to be instructed in the meaning of those three texts. Those are the ones you need to be able to recite all your life. Anyone who came in from the outside and said, "You know, I think I'd like to be a Christian--what does it take?" Well, this is what it takes.

When St. Paul says faith, hope, and love, faith meant the creed--"I believe." Hope meant the Lord's Prayer--what we hope for, we pray for. And love meant the 10 Commandments, because they tell us what love does when it goes into action. I get this from St. Augustine.

There aren't many sets of words that have been recited every single day for nearly two thousand years. It embeds itself in the individual and collective memory of the church.

Historically speaking, what has been the most disputed part of the Nicene Creed? The filioque?

Yes, that's the one on which the most ink has been shed. I once wrote that that there must be one circle of Dante's hell reserved for the people who wrote all those things. [laughs]

Many of Beliefnet's Orthodox readers seem concerned about the Catholic-Orthodox split, wondering if they should engage in dialogue or keep their distance.

I'm a historian, and I answer all such questions by history. I would say they would find it useful to look at what has happened in 150 years in the West. To read the decrees of the First Vatican Council, 1869 and 1870, and then the decrees of the Second. The first was the one that proclaimed the infallibility of the pope. It's defiant, rigid, "take it or leave it." The Second Vatican Council does not deny what has been previously said, but it breathes a completely different spirit. The Second Vatican Council is based on a fresh reading of the Bible, the Church Fathers, especially the Greek Church Fathers, and on the liturgy rather than canon law. The Church is not defined in legal terms as a corporation, but in liturgical terms as a corpus, the body of Christ.

Those three ways of looking at things are the very ones that define the Orthodox tradition: scripture, the Fathers, and the liturgy. For all the differences that still remain even after Vatican II, the perspective has shifted. What the Second Vatican Council says about the East, considering all the history, is very fraternal.

Tetra - April 27, 2005 10:43 PM (GMT)
Going back to other parts of the Creed, was "light from light" ever disputed? It's beautiful, but I always wondered why it's in there.

I've got a book on that too. In the first chapter of the epistle to the Hebrews, Christ is called the radiance of the Father. The New Testament says God is light. Radiance proceeds from a source--in our case, the sun or a light bulb--and is distinct from that source, because the sun is not here in my room right now. It's distinct from that source but it's not separate from it or different in its nature from it. It's the same light. So light comes from light, being both distinct and identical. So is Christ in relation to the Father.

Why was it necessary to include that when they'd already said "God from God"?

Partly because they were already using that in their worship and their hymns. If anything is worth saying, it's worth saying more than once.

Your book traces many schisms. What perspective does history give you about ecumenism today? Is there hope, or do you think churches will keep splitting?

In the third volume of the collection, there are a number of joint statements of the faith, usually by two groups who had been separated for a long time; for example, a recent Catholic-Lutheran statement on the doctrine of justification.

There's a joint statement by Pope John Paul II and the head of the Armenian Church. They'd been separated since 451. Both of them, respecting their own traditions, met, discussed, and concluded that not only were there strong political factors that had originally driven them apart, but also misunderstanding--partly as a consequence of language (Armenian, Greek, and Latin are very different). And that since Christian truth is never just a mathematical formula but is dialectical--it says two things at the same time--if you emphasize one of those at the expense of the other, you tilt in one or the other direction.

What they said was that over the course of the centuries, in the heat of theological battle, such a tilt had indeed come in. But that now having looked at the questions carefully, they concluded that whatever differences [existed] were differences of emphasis within a single faith and should not keep people apart any more. It's a hopeful sign, and there are a number of such, like the document that brought together the church of South India.

Out of a number of countries--Ghana, Madagascar, China--has come the effort to express in their own language the faith that they have together, to do it with their own cultural setting and vocabulary. Out of that have come reunions and their own fresh way of stating the faith. That's a very hopeful sign. My favorite is the Masai Creed.

That's an amazing creed. It includes a part about Jesus' burial: "the hyenas did not touch him."

Here in Africa, suddenly these new Christian believers--reading the gospels and receiving their faith and having to fight the hyenas around them--suddenly they read that Jesus was buried in a rock tomb, rather than underground as we bury, to keep the wild animals away. In none of these other creeds had anyone ever said anything about his being buried in a rock tomb. Suddenly "and the hyenas did not touch his body." That Jesus was "always on safari."

Did you have concerns that in creeds like this one, they added or removed material from the Nicene Creed?

That's true in other statements of faith as well after Nicea. In the Tome of Leo the First (449), it says "it was a human nature that wept when Lazarus died, and it was the divine nature that raised Lazarus from the dead." So it takes a gospel incident and finds there an expression of a question that was being debated, namely the relation between the divine and the human. They are distinct; the divine nature did not weep, and the human nature was not capable of raising a friend from the dead. But one person, who was both divine and human, wept and raised him from the dead. So a gospel story becomes the most effective way to articulate an answer to distortions on both sides.

Your book talks about the 'deeds and creeds' conflict--how creeds are criticized for coming at the expense of actions. You say it's agreed that dogma and ethics should be inseparable. How can the creed help guide practice?

What's that Gilbert and Sullivan line? "I have a little list." [laughs] Any consideration of Christian life and ethics must always ask "what is distinctive about the Christian life?" What's the difference between being a Christian and being a nice guy, a good neighbor, an upright citizen, or an honest businessman? We all know people to whom we will give our house keys and the combination of our safe who don't believe what Christians believe. So it's quite possible, despite what some evangelists may say, even without faith in God, to be an honest and upright citizen.

So what's the value added of being a Christian? Part of the answer is the motivation for doing [good], and the safety net when human weakness brings about a minor or major violation of the code of conduct we profess. What do you do with others or yourself as a sinner?

The trouble with morality is it's not self-perpetuating. You need to have some way of coping with the human propensity to hypocrisy and deception and self-deception. You could say the creed is there to motivate, on the positive side, and to heal when there is a violation. The word salvation in Greek really means healing. Without that, a code of moral conduct by itself--the Scout oath--won't sustain you. That's why St. Paul says all those things about the law without faith.

Would meditating on a certain part of the creed impel you to a certain action?

It often does. Start at the beginning: when you take the interpretation of our environmental responsibility--one that's been articulated so beautifully and powerfully by the current Patriarch of Constantinople, Bartholomew (who's known as the 'green patriarch')--all of that comes from this old man sitting in the middle of Turkey thinking about what it means to say "maker of heaven and earth, of all that is visible and invisible." [Read the statement.]

[It's saying] I live in a world that is a continuum from the angels to the oysters. All of it is the product of divine activity. That's what the creed says. If that's the case, in a very real sense, every creature comes from the same Father, and that makes them all brothers and sisters. Without identifying the world with God in a pantheistic way, it nevertheless provides a direct and powerful motivation for treating creatures as our fellows. That's one example.

Are we moving beyond the era of creeds?

In my book, I raise the question "Do creeds have a future as well as a past?" I invoke the analogy of a CD. There's nothing more static than a CD: they stack up on a shelf, get dusty. They can go from year to year without ever touching anyone. But anytime you want to, you can put that CD in a player and all of a sudden out comes the Credo from the B minor mass of Bach. It's been there all along.

So it is with creeds and their history. At crucial times, when you can no longer count on your own strength of will, character, conviction, and guts, you simply say "I don't know where I am right now, but I want to be part of the company that says 'I believe in one God.'"

Tetra - April 27, 2005 10:44 PM (GMT)
Credo:
Historical and Theological Guide to Creeds and Confessions of Faith in
the Christian Tradition
By Jaroslav Pelikan

http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/030...30532/beliefnet
interviews with Prof. Pelikan can be found here:

http://www.counterbalance.net/bio/jp-body.html

Tetra - April 27, 2005 10:45 PM (GMT)
http://www.firstthings.com/ftissues/ft0405...ews/wilken.html

Books in Review
Credo: Historical and Theological Guide to Creeds and Confessions of Faith in the Christian Tradition

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Copyright © 2004 First Things 143 (May 2004): 39-41.

We Believe
Credo: Historical and Theological Guide to Creeds and Confessions of Faith in the Christian Tradition. By Jaro-slav Pelikan. Yale University Press. 609 pp. $37.50.

Reviewed by Robert Louis Wilken

IN 1844 PHILIP SCHAFF, a Swiss church historian, to the surprise of his academic colleagues, accepted a position at the German Reformed Seminary in Mercersburg, Pennsylvania. At the time the seminary, under the leadership of the Reformed theologian John Nevin, was the center of a movement of renewal within the German Reformed churches in the United States. The Mercersburg Movement, as it came to be known, was an effort to recover “catholic” substance in doctrine and liturgy by returning to the classical sources of Christian faith, chiefly the writings of the Church Fathers. In this undertaking a first-class historian of Christianity was essential and Nevin was able to persuade Schaff to leave his post in Germany to settle in the United States. For a quarter of a century Schaff worked side by side with Nevin at Mercersburg, but in 1870 he moved to Union Theological Seminary in New York City. While at Union he advanced the program of Mercersburg by making available classical texts from the Christian tradition, most notably the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, still the most complete collection of translations of the Church Fathers in English. He also published in three volumes TheCreeds of Christendom (1877), a comprehensive collection of confessional documents from all periods of church history.

Last fall Yale University Press began the publication of a new “Schaff.” Like the original nineteenth-century work, the Yale edition comprises three volumes of documents, but the editors have wisely added a fourth, Credo, a substantive study of the role of creeds, statements of faith, confessions, and other related material over the whole history of Christianity. Jaroslav Pelikan is one of a very small company of scholars—he may be the only one—who would attempt such a task, and the result is a work of keen insight, great learning, and ecumenical generosity, written out of deep devotion to the “one holy catholic and apostolic Church” confessed in the Nicene Creed.

CREEDS HAVE BEEN and continue to be an integral part of Christian life. “Every Sunday all over the world,” writes Pelikan, “millions and millions of Christians recite or sing (or, at any rate, hear) one or another creed, and most of them have had a creed spoken over them, or by them, at their baptism.” Yet many Christians, especially since the Reformation and in modern times, have voiced reservations about the legitimacy of creeds. Why are creeds necessary? Jesus did not hand on a creed, he only taught the love of God and neighbor. Isn’t the Bible sufficient as a guide to faith and life? What is the relation between the Bible and creeds, i.e., between Scripture and tradition? Aren’t deeds more important than creeds? Don’t creeds make faith into a matter of doctrines and dogmas? Haven’t creeds been instruments of oppression? Why make such a fuss about the ancient creeds when beliefs change over time? Don’t creeds divide rather than unite the Church? Haven’t creeds become obsolete in modern times?

These are only a few of the many topics addressed in Credo. For example, in answer to the question of whether the time for formulating creeds has passed, Pelikan shows that in the past two centuries, national church bodies, denominations, or ecumenical bodies, often stirred by the unprecedented situations in which modern Christians have found themselves, composed new creeds or confessions of faith: a Statement of Faith of the American Baptist Association in 1905; Brief Statement of the Doctrinal Position of the Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and Other States in 1932; Statement of Faith of the Church of Jesus Christ in Madagascar in 1958; Common Statement of Faith issued by the Commission on Faith and Order of the World Council of Churches in 1978; Statement of Faith of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines in 1986; and many others.

At the other end of the historical spectrum, in answer to the question of why we should have creeds at all, Pelikan shows that formal confessions of faith arise out of the nature of Christianity and the Holy Scriptures. The religion of the Greeks and the Romans was not creedal; it was an affair of rituals and practices. For Christianity, however, as for Judaism and Islam, each of which has its own form of creed, belief in the one true God and the conviction that God had been revealed in persons and events required that there be “some sort of formula for the confessing of the faith.” Already in the Old Testament there are confessions, most notably the Sh’ma: “Hear, O Israel, the Lord our God is one Lord” (Deuteronomy 6:4). And in the New Testament, Paul, drawing on the Sh’ma, used the formula: “There is one God, the Father, from whom are all things, and for whom we exist, and one Lord, Jesus Christ, through whom are all things and through whom we exist” (1 Corinthians 8:5). It is a small step from the language of the Bible to the words of the Apostles’ Creed, “I believe in God the Father Almighty,” or the opening phrase of the Nicene Creed, “We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven and earth.”

As is to be expected in a work of this sort, a good part of Credo is devoted to the classical creeds of the early Church and to the theological developments that supported the first confessions of faith. Schaff knew, however, that the making of creeds was not limited to the patristic period; formulas of faith and confessions were composed in medieval times (in both East and West) and especially during the Reformation, which led to a surge of new confessions. So in Credo Pelikan skillfully weaves into his narrative a bewildering array of doctrinal and confessional formulations, including the First Helvetic Confession, the Lateran Creed of 1215, the Orthodox Confession of the Catholic and Apostolic Eastern Church by Peter Mogila, the First Bohemian Confession of 1535 (on which Pelikan wrote his doctoral dissertation at the University of Chicago in 1946), the Tridentine Profession of Faith, and the Fourteen Theses of the Old Catholic Union Conference with Greeks and Anglicans of 1874, to name but a few. He even has a paragraph on the creed of Dante in Canto 24 of his Paradiso. After Dante recited his creed (drawing on classical creeds) “the apostolic light” encircled him three times, says Dante, because “the speech I spoke had brought him such delight.”

Although Credo is not a lexicon or an encyclopedia, Pelikan has designed a particularly useful index to creeds and confessions that will endear him to serious students of the history of Christian thought. Using the conception of a “synopticon,” the index created for the Great Books of the Western World, Pelikan coined the term “syndogmaticon.” The synopticon was arranged according to the “great ideas,” and the syndogmaticon is arranged according to the dogmata, the doctrines of the Christian tradition that appear in the various creeds and confessions of faith. With the Nicene Creed as the framework, the index lists the various Christian doctrines under accessible rubrics (such as “became incarnate,” “his kingdom will have no end,” “who spoke through the prophets”) and provides extensive references to creeds and confessions in which the doctrines are expounded.

FINALLY, LEST I LEAVE the impression that Credo is chiefly a work of reference to be dutifully catalogued and placed on a shelf in the library, it should be said that amidst all the historical detail and theological exposition Pelikan has written a vigorous defense of the durability of creedal Christianity, though he never quite puts it that way. For instance, at a key point he cites writers such as Edward Gibbon, Adolf von Harnack, and Matthew Arnold, who believed that “creeds pass” and “no altar standeth whole.” At other points he quotes with approval John Henry Newman saying that “dogma” is the principle of religion, or even Lionel Trilling observing that “when the dogmatic principle in religion is slighted religion goes along for a while on generalized emotion and ethical intention . . . and then loses the force of its impulse, even the essence of its being.”

Drawing on his vast knowledge of the history of Christianity, Pelikan reminds contemporary Christians of a profound truth that many theologians and church leaders in our age have forgotten: Over the Church’s long history the orthodox and creedal form of faith has been the most enduring, the most adaptable, and the most faithful to the Scriptures. In his many books and lectures Jaroslav Pelikan has presented, expounded, and interpreted the great central tradition of Christian doctrine, and it is most fitting that after five decades of scholarship he has now given us a work with the title: I believe.

Robert Louis Wilken is the William R. Kenan, Jr. Professor of the History of Christianity at the University of Virginia.

Tetra - April 27, 2005 10:46 PM (GMT)
http://www.christianitytoday.com/ct/2004/152/42.0.html

Christian History Corner
The Doctrine Doctor
Jaroslav Pelikan has written a history of the Christian tradition on a scale no one else has attempted in the twentieth century.
by Mark A. Noll | posted 12/30/2004 9:00 a.m.

The Library of Congress has awarded its annual John W. Kluge Prize in the Human Sciences to Yale University historian Jaroslav Pelikan (along with French philosopher Paul Ricoeur). The $1 million award focuses on those academic disciplines not covered by the Nobel prizes and have only been awarded since 2003.

In 1990, historian Mark Noll of Wheaton College wrote a brief profile of Pelikan for Christianity Today. This year, Noll was also honored by the John W. Kluge Center at the Library of Congress, serving as the Cary and Ann Maguire Chair in American History and Ethics.

The office of Jaroslav Pelikan holds few clues to explain what has made him what he is: perhaps the foremost living student of church history. In his old, high-ceilinged office, an open semicircular arrangement of chairs suggests friendliness and availability to students. On the wall is a painting of a pelican, and around the edges of the room are an old briefcase, cardboard boxes, and piles of books laid in convenient stacks. But telltale signs of hobbies or outside interests (like an old clarinet or a tennis racket in the corner) are absent. Two computers—one a laptop on his desk—are the only obvious concessions to modernity.

It is just as hard to tell much about the Sterling Professor of History at Yale University from the way he looks. He wears standard-issue academic garb: a gray flannel jacket with a charcoal suede vest, and rubber-and-leather boots from L. L. Bean. He is congenial, and as he talks he makes occasional eye contact with his interviewers, but just as often peers at the ceiling and the book shelves around him as he swivels and rocks back and forth in his desk chair.

None of these things provide the key to Jaroslav Pelikan, for he is nothing more nor less than what he is advertised to be—a scholar and teacher of church history. Many think he is the best there is. He has chronicled the history of Christian doctrine (in a recently completed five-volume work) on a scale no one has attempted in the twentieth century. To understand what you see, you have to keep in mind Pelikan's singular commitment to his vocation.

Even when Pelikan talks about his early life, the stories and anecdotes all relate to his preparation for the tasks of a scholar.

Pelikan will tell you, for instance, about the problem he created for his parents, Anna and Jaroslav Jan Pelikan, in the summer of 1926, when he was two-and-a-half-years old, growing up in Akron, Ohio. He had, his mother's memoirs recorded, taught himself to read and now wanted to write. But he could not yet manage a pen or pencil. "My father," recalls Pelikan, "took me over to a typewriter and showed me how it worked." The result, much to the later consternation of his teachers, was a child who could type better than he could write.

By the time Pelikan started school, his parents had given him more than an introduction to the typewriter. The home was a veritable hothouse of languages, an environment guaranteed to give the young Jaroslav Pelikan what he needed to develop prodigious linguistic skills. Slovak and English were spoken in his home, as was German, which his father taught the young Pelikan before he was six years old. His mother, in turn, introduced him to Serbian. "My mother learned Serbian," Pelikan recalls, "growing up in Serbian-speaking territories [what is now Yugoslavia]. That meant that I learned the Cyrillic alphabet. From that, learning to read Russian was not hard. I started doing that at fifteen or so." And in the Lutheran parsonage of his childhood (his father was a Slovak Evangelical Lutheran pastor), there were texts of ancient languages—Latin, Greek, and Hebrew—that Jaroslav, Jr., began to study as a young adolescent.

The household's religious environment also shaped Jaroslav's later scholarly focus. He remembers both his father and grandfather as "orthodox Lutherans, in one way or another," firmly committed to the classical teachings on the Trinity, justification by faith, and the sacramental presence of Christ in the Lord's Supper as articulated by the Lutherans' Augsburg Confession. Both were energetic pastors, the grandfather an early president of the Slovak Evangelical Lutheran Church (which came to have close ties with the Lutheran Church-Missouri Synod). Pelikan remembers his father as "an Easter Christian, an enabler, a man whose enthusiasms were contagious, and a great preacher in several languages."

Pelikan breezed through school, finding a "tonic" in his schoolwork at Lutheran Church-Missouri Synod parochial schools. His childhood introduction to languages gave him what he calls "a fantastic early start" in his scholarly pursuits. Indeed, he completed a bachelor of divinity degree from the Missouri Synod's Concordia Theological Seminary and a Ph.D. from the University of Chicago before he was 23. Even by then he had intimations of his life's work, and a growing sense of personal destiny.

By the time he was 30, Pelikan had published his first book, From Luther to Kierkegaard, and was well launched on a distinguished teaching career that has taken him from Valparaiso University in Indiana and Concordia Theological Seminary in Missouri to the University of Chicago and then, in 1962, to .Yale. In addition to his teaching, Pelikan read omnivorously, wrote constantly, and lectured widely. As editor, he helped produce editions of Luther, Chrysostom, Augustine, and Erasmus and advised in the production of several large-scale religious encyclopedias. As author he wrote several books on Luther, and he turned lectures into books on Augustine, Bach, and several ancient fathers. His Jesus Through the Centuries, richly illustrated with reproductions of paintings and icons of Jesus, has been his most popular.

All the while, Pelikan never lost sight of the ultimate goal of writing a history of doctrine on a grand scale. "There was never a day I didn't think about it—whether I was fishing or whatever."

Even family life was affected. Pelikan recently wrote sons Martin and Michael, both of whom work at local outlets of National Public Radio, and daughter Miriam, a classics student at Berkeley. "I wrote to thank them," he says, "not just for being there [through the long years of my writing], but for their understanding and forgiveness along the way. They admitted that there were times when they wished I had been more available than I was. But they also said they believed that it meant something to them that their father was engaged in a mission important beyond the personal gratification. One of my sons said, 'If you had spent those years making lots of money, it would have been something different.'"

In 1989 the University of Chicago Press issued the fifth and final volume of Pelikan's epic work, The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of Doctrine. The first of its four predecessors, The Emergence of the Catholic Tradition (100-600), had been published nearly two decades before. The five volumes (dedicated to his wife, Sylvia) were devoted to an apparently simple subject—the history of what, in its 20 centuries, "the church of Jesus Christ has believed, taught, and confessed on the basis of the word of God."

Doing that, however, took Pelikan more than 2,100 pages, 80 pages of references to modern authorities, and another 100 pages for "authors and texts" in their original languages (Latin, Greek, German, French, Russian, Danish, Czech, and Swedish, for starters). The volumes treat the whole sweep of doctrinal history, from early Catholicism and Eastern Orthodoxy to the Reformation and modern era. There has been nothing like it since the controversial German church historian Adolf von Harnack published his multivolume history of Christian dogma in the 1880s.

"For those who believe that you don't need tradition because you have the Bible," he reflects, "The Christian Tradition has sought to say, 'You are not entitled to the beliefs you cherish about such things as the Holy Trinity without a sense of what you owe to those who worked this out for you.' To circumvent Saint Athanasius on the assumption that if you put me alone in a room with the New Testament, I will come up with the doctrine of the Trinity, is nave. So for these readers I have tried to provide a degree of historical sophistication, which is, I believe, compatible with an affirmation of the central doctrines of Christian faith.

"And then, partly because of how I earn my groceries, but also because of my sense of where the gaps are in our contemporary world, I've written it for those who may not believe much of Christianity, and who are ignorant. I want them at least not to be ignorant, whatever they end up believing."

The concern that others understand what he is saying is central to Pelikan's life. For several years he has taught Yale freshmen in a special seminar designed to introduce them to the treasures of great books and the rewards of careful writing. "I write for people like these students," Pelikan says, "who love language, who love ideas, who don't know a great deal, but who are willing to learn and work hard."

Could Pelikan have accomplished what he has done if he had stayed in Christian institutions? Most churches or seminaries, Pelikan reflects, remain fundamentally ambiguous about scholarship. Many are eager to use it when it reinforces their settled positions, but they become skittish when it moves into uncharted areas. "You have to give the church what it needs, not what it wants. And in order to do that you may have to leave its payroll. It hurts me to say this because I want to be part of a church where that doesn't have to be said. But show me one where it is not true."

Yet Pelikan's academic career, carried on largely outside of Christian institutions, has not lessened his commitment to the faith. Although he has long worked in the precincts of the secular university, he continues to uphold, as the title of one of his earlier books puts it, The Finality of Jesus Christ in an Age o f Universal History.

Pelikan's life work has given him a way to combine his scholarly passion with just such convictions about the enduring reality of Christian orthodoxy. "I came to think that the same historical study which relativized absolute claims at the hands of Harnack could also reintroduce the next generation to the valid and continuing affirmations of the Christian tradition. Historical study became for Harnack the bridge by which he crossed from the orthodox Christian tradition to a kind of reductionist liberalism. At some point I discovered the bridge was a two-way street. As someone who had come from the tradition and lived in the tradition and never really seriously contemplated believing any other way, I became not just a curiosity in a museum but a spokesman for what was still a living reality."

The road for Jaroslav Pelikan from the manse of a Slovak-American Lutheran minister to his professor's office at Yale has been a long one, full of hard work and high honor. But it has been a straight road. At its beginning, and now, at perhaps its summit, the road has led Pelikan from words to the Word and back again.

This article first appeared in the September 10, 1990 issue of Christianity Today.

More Christian history, including a list of events that occurred this week in the church's past, is available at ChristianHistory.net. Subscriptions to the quarterly print magazine are also available.
Copyright © 2004 Christianity Today. Click for reprint information.




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